HAVEL
AT COLUMBIA:
The
Core Lecture
By Mark Krotov
Columbia University
Having sponsored
lectures by some of the world’s major intellectual heavyweights, Columbia’s Core
Curriculum invited Václav Havel
to speak at the semiannual Coursewide Lecture. The
first political figure to speak at a forum that generally hosts academics who
discuss Core texts, Havel spoke about the history of
Soviet occupation and Czech independence and his own contribution to events
that had one “extremely important result: the division of the world collapsed.”
Havel described the Soviet Union’s dominance over
Czechoslovakia
in strictly human terms, suggesting that the effects of a political regime can
not only lead to an absence of basic freedoms, but also “a profound inner
crisis.” Havel’s disdain for the Soviet regime, a
system that transcended politics and penetrated into the hearts and minds of
Czechoslovakians, was poignantly evident when he responded to a question about
whether he feels any nostalgia for life under Communism. Havel
starkly replied: “I’m not nostalgic of anything that built this regime … this
regime was not built on any values—it was built on blah blah
blah.”
The notion of a
value-less ideology clearly haunts Havel,
but he made clear that he condemned any and all ideology, regardless of its
rhetorical heights. He noted that even truth is susceptible to ideological
influence, given that people build truth “into structures and ideologies to
oppress those who believe different truths,” and that the only antidote is
morality.
A strong belief in
morality defines Havel’s worldview, and he believes that it represents the only
consistent antidote to ideology. He said that “moral order, law, and principles
are the only possible basis of legislation.” Though he did not seek to
deconstruct individualized moralities, it is clear that Havel believes that notions that are often
viewed as nothing more than relative concepts such as truth, justice, and
morality, represent a tangible personal opposition to the misuse of power, and
the only real defense against oppression.
Having described
the incursion of ideology into human life, Havel promoted art’s ability to effect change
with equal vigor: “I think every good piece of art has some direct or indirect
political dimension or impact—good or bad, strong or not strong,” he noted. Havel’s
notion of art is a truly noble one and is deeply rooted in his own experience
and that of other dissidents throughout Communist Europe, including
Solzhenitsyn, whose Gulag Archipelago has “more
power than two Soviet divisions.”
As someone who has
“been in politics too long,” Havel
assigns art and artists great power, but he is concerned with the increasing
influence of corporatism. He warned about the danger of tabloid media and corporate
ownership, stating that “in the field of culture … the invisible hand sometimes
plays a visible role.” Given his belief in the world-changing power of art,
this seems like an especially worrisome development, but it has not detracted
from Havel from his
own artistic field. After his stint as a major political leader, the former
President is energized by the prospect of playwriting.
But what seemed to
truly please Havel
was the opportunity to speak to a group that was far younger than his
traditional audiences. Ultimately, the man whose striving for freedom was as
great as his perseverance in the process relished the chance to impart some
advice based on his own experience. At the end of his lecture, he argued that
the only possible opposition to any oppressive regime, whether totalitarian or
simply ideological are “truth and morality, [which] have a stronger power than
weapons.”